Schroder's early remarks suggested a real change in German foreign policy.

So long as the campaign's focus was on economics, Schröder's government was a clear loser.

Children's Rights photo by Robert Schrader, CC BY NC ND 2.0.

The Chancellor's aides try to justify Schröder's rhetoric as an expression of the country's political maturity.

The CDU CSU and the FDP will be forced to present convincing alternatives to Schröder's policies.

Clarity of purpose and deftness of style give Fischer considerable authority in Schroder's cabinet.

For the Federal Republic, Schröder's anti American tactics may have caused strategic damage. But in purely Machiavellian terms, his modest success shows he was right.

This is not only a problem of personal chemistry between Jacques Chirac and Gerhard Schröder.

For a long time, Schröder's reformist rhetoric had not been matched by his politics.

In this, Kohls government was no different than Schröders.

For the Federal Republic, Schröder's anti American tactics may have caused strategic damage.

Consider Germany, where some leaders of the opposition Christian Democrats yearn to sink the Schröder government.

The Kohl government did nothing to reform and the Schroeder government is equally lazy.

With no more than 35 of the vote, Schröder's Red Green coalition would have suffered a disaster.

Schröder's tragedy is that his power may further erode whatever way he chooses.

The last thing the ECB needs is a political crony of German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder assuming Mr. Issing s key post.

By the time of the next regularly scheduled election, it could become clear that there were no real alternatives to Schröder's policies, and it could even be the case that the predicted beneficial effects of painful reforms will become apparent by then.

Later it fought against Tony Blair s Third Way and Gerhard Schröder s new center in the late 1990 s.

Poland as an ally of the US is not the real headache facing President Jacques Chirac or Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder. Instead, the French and German leaders are really responding to the growing unpredictability of today's emerging European order.

Poland as an ally of the US is not the real headache facing President Jacques Chirac or Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder.

In Germany, the electorate seems poised to eject Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder out of discontent with his tepid allegiance to the neo liberal project.

It also signals, correctly, that both main opposition parties did not appreciate the implications of Schröder's victory in 1998.

The immediate winner is Franz Müntefering, age 64, the SPD's parliamentary floor leader who will succeed Schröder, as party chairman.

In a historic turnabout, the new German government of Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder is poised to offer citizenship to four million of its foreign (mostly Turkish) residents.

Both politicians will constitute a tandem, but Schröder will be more dependent on Müntefering's loyalty than Müntefering is dependent on Schröder's success.

Soon it emerged that not all its apparent supporters actually supported it when Chancellor Schroeder's proposed reforms caused squeals within his own party, he quickly dropped much of the Third Way program like a hot potato.

Some of us always suspected that the Schroeder Blair idea of New Labour or, in German, the New Center, had no real basis.

Chancellor Schröder s response to Verheugen s suggestion was merely to reiterate that his government remains firmly committed to early enlargement of the EU.

Even if Schröder wants to push for reform, his political position will make such efforts difficult. His thin majority in the lower house of the Bundestag faces an upper house dominated by the opposition Christian Democratic Union Christian Social Union (CDU CSU).

Even if Schröder wants to push for reform, his political position will make such efforts difficult.

Schröders failures are less connected with his personal qualities and politics than is often assumed.

BERLIN Chancellor Schröder's government coalition barely scraped through Germany's Bundestag to secure the support it needed to dispatch German soldiers to help in the campaign against international terrorism.

Indeed, Edmund Stoiber's economic policies as premier of Bavaria were (and are) no less interventionist than those of Schröder.

Alas the German government, by its conduct in Chancellor Schroeder's campaign for re election last September, maneuvered itself out of having any authority in the matter.

ECB Chief Wim Duisenberg responded brilliantly, pinning an Aanti European tail on the German donkey by proclaiming that the euro was threatened by Schroeder's anti competitive actions.

We do not know whether Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and or President Jacques Chirac called Berlusconi to suggest that he find a new Italian Commissioner.

After all, the problems that beset Mr. Schroeder, or Mr. Berlusconi, and Messieurs Chirac and Jospin, aren't the stuff that shapes the world.

Maybe they did, and maybe they didn't one cannot know, especially at a time when Italy may need the full support of Chirac and Shröder as it tries to bail out Alitalia.

Chancellor Gerhard Schröder's resignation as chairman of Germany's Social Democratic Party (SPD) will deeply affect the distribution of forces within the German government and its slim Red Green majority in Parliament.

Whatever Schröders own shortcomings and mistakes, they pale in significance for the future of Germany and the EU alike against the weakness of his office.

Ever since the change in government from Jacques Chirac to Nicolas Sarkozy in France and from Gerhard Schröder to Angela Merkel in Germany, Turkey has been strung along and put off by the European Union.

Lacking convictions, he could be everything to everybody from new left to center with any socialist taint concealed by the industrialist advisors who lent Schroeder a Blairite and Clintonian veneer.

The main reason why Schröder won is that his coalition partner, the Greens, became slightly stronger than the Free Democrats (FDP) who would otherwise most probably have formed a center right government with the CDU CSU.

Edmund Stoiber, Bavaria's leader, the conservative CDU CSU candidate for German chancellor against current Chancellor Schroeder, and a staunch advocate of the Sudeten Germans, demanded that Schroeder cancel a scheduled visit to Prague in response to Zeman's outburst.